FRIDAY, 12 APRIL 2013

1st session. Amphora Studies

John Lund (National Museum of Denmark, Copenhagen, Denmark) and Mark Lawall (Classics Department, University of Manitoba, Canada)

Roman amphora studies in Cyprus: an overview.

The paper has a twofold purpose. The first is to present a brief synopsis of the history of amphora research in Cyprus from the 19th century to the present with emphasis on the latest development: the recent (April 2013) publication "The Transport Amphora and Trade of Cyprus", edited by the two speakers. This volume contains 17 chapters written by a wide range of international scholars, who seek to throw new light on the fluctuations in the economy of Cyprus between c. 700 BC and AD 700 through a concerted study of several aspects of the transport amphorae found in and around the island. The chapters containing results that are relevant to the Roman period –the focal point of the Nicosia conference – are briefly summarized.
The second aim of the paper is to point towards areas in need of more research, thereby establishing a new point of departure for the future study of the transport amphorae and trade of Cyprus – and indeed in the Eastern Mediterranean at large. Two of these areas are not hard to single out: 1) the need to identify more amphora kiln sites and 2) the need for more quantified evidence from our archaeological projects. In addition, the papers from volume often highlight regional variation in amphora use around Cyprus and along trade routes of the Eastern Mediterranean. These topics will be fundamental to further progress in defining the history and mechanisms of Cypriot trade. Such issues have consistently been at the forefront of the research carried out by two of the organizers of our conference, Anthi Kaldeli and Stella Demesticha, and have become a greater focus for an increasing number of other researchers on the island.

Clive Orton (University College London, UK)

Quantifying the unquantifiable: why amphorae are difficult and what we might do about it

The reasons for quantification lie in the need to study assemblages as well as individual vessels. As such, the need to be able to quantify amphorae (or other specialised ceramic types) is no less than that for mundane ceramic types. The need for quantified assemblages is threefold: chronological, distributional and functional. For amphorae, the second need is perhaps the most important. The optimum measure of quantity is the eve, but this is where amphorae give particular problems. This is because the parts of vessels commonly used as estimators (rims, bases and sometimes handles and feet) form a relatively small part of the vessel for amphorae, in comparison to other vessel forms, and are therefore less reliable. What can be done? Various approaches (measures) will be discussed, including the standardised weight approach, which depends on the likely weight of complete amphorae of various types. This should be explored as a research topic. Contrary to some popular beliefs, composite assemblages (i.e. ones that include different classes of vessel) do not have to be quantified by the same measure, so there would be no objection to quantifying amphorae by one measure and the rest of an assemblage by another. It should therefore be possible to bring amphorae into the mainstream of Roman ceramic assemblages.


Anno Hein (Department of Materials Science, IAMPPNM, N.C.S.R. Demokritos, Greece), Viktoria Georgopoulou (2nd Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities IA, Greece) and Vassilis Kilikoglou (Department of Materials Science, IAMPPNM, N.C.S.R. Demokritos, Greece)

The life cycle of transport amphorae: failure prediction and damage interpretation using finite element analysis

Transport amphorae were mass products, fabricated for a specific purpose, namely to serve as containers for transporting particular trading goods from their place of production to their place of consumption. For this primary use they had to fulfil substantial requirements, in terms of standardisation of size, weight, shape and content, and in terms of performance, as they had to withstand considerable mechanical loads during transport. Once the amphora had reached the consumption place its essential purpose had been served. It was either discarded or it was recycled for example as storage container or as building material. Thus, the life cycle of a transport amphora was comparably short. Nevertheless, a failure during this life cycle could have had fatal consequences from the almost certain loss of its content up to destabilization of a shipload endangering possibly the entire cargo ship.
Material tests of ceramic samples taken from Hellenistic and Roman amphorae have proven that the mechanical requirements had been considered in matters of clay selection and paste modification and in matters of firing technology. Apart from these rather material related issues, the vessel design constituted another decisive performance factor, which, however, can be hardly examined using authentic objects. The best alternatives are, either fabrication of replica to be tested for mechanical performance or development of amphorae computer models, considering all production parameters. Computer models of amphorae can estimate their mechanical behaviour under simulated loads using the finite element method. Apart from a general assessment of the vessel quality, simulated tests also provide specific damage and failure patterns related to different kinds of loads. Thus, amphora finds, the vast majority of which is damaged, can be interpreted in terms of particular reasons for damage and understanding in which phase of its life cycle the damage happened.


Stella Demesticha (Archaeological Research Unit, University of Cyprus, Cyprus)

Gone with the waves: scattered Roman amphorae in shallow waters, around Cape Kiti, Cyprus

Cape Kiti is one of the most prominent headlands along the south coast of Cyprus, marking the west end of Larnaca Bay. Since 1972, during six underwater survey explorations carried out by different teams, several clusters of amphorae and stone anchors have been recorded in the area around the Cape. Some of them are most probably representative anchorage assemblages, whereas others are clearly scattered cargoes: at least one is that of a Roman ship carrying Dressel 6A amphorae, and two, in a poorer state of preservation, are possibly the remains of LR1 amphora jettisoned or wrecked cargoes. Such sites, very common around eastern Mediterranean coasts, represent a much higher percentage in the archaeological record than the coherent shipwreck sites. Parker (1981, 332) was the first who discussed their importance for shipwreck archaeology, and concluded his article convinced that: 'While some degree of contamination is inevitable in underwater sites, detailed recording and careful analysis provide the means of identifying wrecks, even when their remains are scattered, mingled and denuded by illicit excavation'. In this paper, the scattered amphora assemblages from Cape Kiti will be discussed in a context where the emphasis is shifted from their role in shipwreck archaeology to their place in Roman amphora studies, based on the inherent potential and the constraints that their nature entails. On the one hand, they provide essential evidence for coastal trade and useful information for developing amphora typologies, as the amphorae are often much better preserved than in land sites; on the other hand, the seriously disturbed and contaminated stratigraphy, which impedes a precise dating, and the incoherent spatial relations among the amphorae, complicate any attempts at contextual analysis.

Parker, A. J. 1981. Stratification and contamination in ancient Mediterranean shipwrecks,The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology and Underwater Exploration 10.4: 309-335.


Stephane Martinez (PhD Candidate, Haifa University, Mt Carmel, Israel)

Hermatypic organisms on archaeological artefacts as indicators for depth, location and paleoclimate

Encrusting organisms from underwater Mediterranean archaeological contexts present an untapped resource for understanding past sea environmental conditions and providing extra information to the archeologists concerning site formation and location. Marine encrusted artifacts from known provenance offer a long-term field experiment without parallel. While some artifacts that rest on the seafloor do not carry a passport documenting the details of their journey, they do often carry encrusting organisms as stowaways. These organisms have environmental preferences related to a variety of variables, such as depth, water quality and more. They begin to colonize the surface of a ceramic vessel soon after it is submerged and continue to grow as long as the conditions are preferable and also depending on the limits of its lifespan. In our current study, there are three aims. First, we are exploring how the analysis of encrusted hermatypic organisms on ceramic vessels without known provenance might be used to trace back information about their location, depth, and time of sink. Secondly, the encrustation also provides a preserved record of the past environmental specifics of the depositional area. Thirdly, the study will utilize the vast information potential of this yet unrealized field and use it to further examine the detailed reconstruction of Mediterranean's ecological and biological environment.
Most of the work that has been done on hermatypic organisms on archaeological artifacts is concerned with artifacts that are fixed to the location (such as harbor features) or involves the shallow waters of the littoral area. Utilizing artifacts that are not fixed to their location provides us with new opportunities to explore new places and deeper waters.


2nd session. Amphora Production I

Platon Petridis (University of Athens, Greece)

Local Late Roman amphorae in continental Greece: production and distribution

Parallel to the well-known Late Roman amphora types circulating all over the Mediterranean world, some other amphorae were locally produced and distributed in mainland Greece. Their study has not yet attracted the interest of the scholars and the material remains dispersed in many publications of different kinds (monographs, PhD theses, articles, excavation reports).
These amphorae were generally of medium or small capacity and were produced in many localities. They are mainly globular or pear-shaped. Although they are considered to cover only the local needs for the packaging of local agricultural products, they seem to have circulated in some distance from their production site. Their comparative study gives us the opportunity to better understand the mechanisms of exchanges between the big and the small cities of Late Roman mainland Greece.


Dimitris Grigoropoulos (German Archaeological Institute, Athens, Greece)

The amphora production of Roman Cos in context: a preliminary report on the evidence from Halasarna

Although Coan amphorae have traditionally held a prominent position in amphora studies, the island's production in Roman imperial times (ca. 30 BC - late 3rd c. AD) remains little known. Amphora fabrics of the imperial period that may be attributed to the island with more or less certainty are mainly known from the western half of the empire, while for the majority of relevant finds a Coan provenance is only presented as an option amongst a series of other possible Aegean and/or eastern Mediterranean sources. This difficulty arguably stems from the almost-complete lack of both descriptive and analytical data on local amphora types and fabrics from discoveries on the island of Cos itself and the limited knowledge about production sites.
This paper presents some preliminary results of a work in progress, as part of the final publication of a large body of ceramic material dating from the Augustan period to ca. the mid-3rd c. AD, found at the sanctuary of Apollo in Halasarna (modern Kardamaina) on the central south-eastern coast of the island. Excavations carried out in 1982 by the 22nd Ephoreia of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities (Rhodes) and from 1985 to the present by the Department of History & Archaeology, University of Athens (Alevras 2009) have led to the identification of Halasarna as a major amphora production site during the Hellenistic and Late Roman periods (Georgopoulou 2005; Hein et al. 2008; Diamanti 2010).
Current work on pottery assemblages from the sanctuary dated to the imperial period suggests that the classic "Coan"/ Dressel 2-4 shape with double-barelled handles continued to be produced in the region of Halasarna from the later 1st c. BC and at least into the early part of the 2nd c. AD. Wasters and warped amphora parts found at the sanctuary point to kiln activity in the near vicinity whereas similar finds from a recent survey (Alevras 2009; Kopanias 2009) across the ancient deme's territory suggest that other loci of production existed as well. Another amphora type that may have been produced locally during the same time is the horned or spike-handled Dressel 5. Recent finds finally suggest that in the middle Roman period, i.e. following the earthquake of 139 AD and into the 3rd c. AD, a new type similar to Dressel 24 was also produced in the area.

References

Kokkorou-Alevras, G. 2009. Der antike Demos von Halasarna auf Kos: Vorlaufiger Bericht uber die Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen und des Surveys. In: C. Reinholdt, P. Scherrer & W. Wohlmayr (eds.) Aiakeion: Beitrage zur klassischen Altertumswissenschaft zu Ehren von Florens Felten (Vienna 2009), 59–65.

Diamanti, Ch. 2010. Local production and import of amphoras at Halasarna of Kos island (5th-7thc.). Contribution to the research of the production and distribution of the Late Roman/Proto-Byzantine amphoras of the Eastern Mediterranean. Athens.

Georgopoulou, V. 2005. Κωακοί ελληνιστικοί εμπορικοί αμφορείς: Τυπολογία, χρονολόγηση, διασπορά (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Athens 2005).

Hein, A., V. Georgopoulou, E. Nodarou and V. Kilikoglou, 2008. Koan amphorae from Halasarna – investigations in a Hellenistic amphora production centre, Journal of Archaeological Science 35, 1049–1061.

Kopanias, K. 2009. Preliminary Report of the Halasarna Project of the University of Athens. In: Ι. Galanakis et al. (eds.), Aegean Koine. A diachronic approach to the Aegean World and its cultures: 3000 BC – AD 2000 (Oxford 2009), 81-93.

 
Charikleia Diamanti (2nd Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities, Greece) and Calliope, Kouzeli (Stone Conservation Centre, Greece)

Late Roman amphora production in the Aegean islands of Kos and Paros: recent archaeological and archaeometrical data

The aim of this communication is to present new archaeological evidence supported by archaeometrical examination, concerning the production mechanisms, the morphological typology, the petrography and the chemical analysis of the Late Roman Amphora Production on the Aegean Sea Islands of Kos and Paros.
More specifically, this paper discusses the Parian Late Roman Amphorae workshop(s) at Naoussa bay, site of Zoodhochos Pighi, discovered by the 2nd Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities of the Greek ministry of Culture, and the Koan Late Roman Amphorae workshop deposits, found during the excavation of the Late Roman settlement of Halasarna in Kos, carried out by the University of Athens.
Furthermore, we suggest a wider historical interpretation of these quite similar amphora production sites of the Aegean coastal settlements, during the Late Roman Period, especially on the basis of the local stamped amphorae.

 
Cecile Rocheron (Independent Researcher, Athens, Greece) and Jean-Sebastien Gros (Researcher, Ecole francaise d'Athenes, Athens, Greece)

Roman amphorae from the excavations at Thasos: from the 1st century BC to the 4th century AD

The Thasian wine, famous since the archaic period, was transported across the Aegean and beyond, in amphorae that today are an important source for the history and economy of the island. Because of the stamping, this trade, active until the second century B.C, is particularly well studied. After this period, the situation is more complicated, because the practice of stamping amphorae stopped. However, texts and epigraphic sources attest to the vitality of the thasian wine production during the later periods; for example, the sekomata or a dedication for a Dionysian association illustrate the activity on the island during the imperial times. Moreover, even if the wine of Thasos was not as appreciated as the ones from Chios, Kos or Lesbos, it was not forgotten in the Roman World, as evidenced by references in the works of Lucian or Atheneus. Many amphorae found in contexts of the imperial period in Thasos can complete the typology of this unknown production. Additionally, these same contexts have provided a large number of imported amphorae that complete the picture of trade during imperial times.


3rd session. Amphora Production II

Anthi Kaldeli (Archaeological Research Unit, University of Cyprus), David Williams (University of Southampton, UK) and Demetrios Michaelides (Archaeological Research Unit, University of Cyprus)

Amphorae from Roman Paphos: Cypriot production within an empire framework

Amphora studies in Cyprus have progressed significantly in recent years, thus providing tangible evidence for the central role the island played in the maritime exchanges occurring in the Mediterranean throughout the Roman period. This information, in conjunction with data from other neighbouring areas, enables the gradual understanding of the character of long-distance trade in the eastern Mediterranean basin. Nevertheless, despite the increasing archaeological evidence, early Roman economic activities in this part of the Empire remain largely unknown, partly because of our limited knowledge concerning production in the broader region. The study of production is essential for a better understanding of the traded products, from the place of origin to the distribution point, as well as for a clearer insight into the economic structures, the organisation and the circumstances that preceded the commercial activity. Given Cyprus' centrality in Roman trade activities, the aim of this paper is to tackle this pertinent aspect based on data from Paphos, the island's capital during the Roman period. The analysis focuses on the morphological and fabric traits of a number of amphora types of mostly early Roman date, and includes evidence obtained from petrographic analyses. The character of the production system is considered within the economic, socio-political, and ideological conditions of the Empire. On this basis, key-issues, such as the scale and modes of production, the role of supply and demand, value, and the phenomenon of imitation, are addressed within the Empire framework and are considered as part of the wider economic integration of the eastern Mediterranean.


Paul Reynolds (ICREA/ERAAUB Universitat de Barcelona, Spain)

North Lebanese amphorae: suggested forms and distribution

This paper will summarise the typological diversity and fabrics of what appear to be non-Beirut, north Lebanese amphorae of the Roman period from finds from the Beirut Souks Excavations. Of the various forms and variants that can be isolated, only a few specific forms were exported. Indications so far point to their supply to some ports in southern Gaul and Rome.


Dina Avshalom-Gorni and Anastasia Shapiro (Israel Antiquities Authority, Israel)

The trade of Roman amphorae in the northern Israeli coast

The amphorae - jars designed for maritime trade - were manufactured at the northern Israeli coastal area since the beginning of the 8th century BC (IA II). The earliest shapes are characterized by the absence of neck, an elongated body and twisted handles, known as 'Phoenician' jars. This shape's tradition persisted through the Persian and the Hellenistic periods, and its continuity into the Roman period was unmistakably proved by the results of the archaeological surveys and excavations at the area, provided mostly by the archaeologists of the Israel antiquities Authority. The latest specimens of this shape are dated to the end of the Middle Roman period. Those found within the discussed area are, in addition to the features mentioned above, characterized by a down-sloping shoulder. Although pottery workshops for these amphorae have not yet been discovered in the area, fabric examinations provide evidence for their local origin.
From the end of the Middle Roman period, a new shape of amphora was introduced to the area: the shape is characterized by a tapered body, a long and narrow neck, and the handles are attached from below the rim to the shoulder. Several pottery workshops for these amphorae were excavated, situated both at the coastal line and fairly inland. The comparative fabric analyses, provided for the products of these workshops, revealed that the same raw materials were used by all the workshops, making the amphora manufacture rather uniform. This identification seems to be very reasonable, as this amphora succeeded the Phoenician jars, and was used mainly (if not only) for sea trade, as samples are common at the coastal area of northern Israel and Lebanon, and are absent in the hinterland. At the same time, this amphora is rather popular during the Late Roman period, but absent from Byzantine strata, therefore providing a significant tool for dating pottery assemblages.


Valerie Pichot (Centre d'Etudes Alexandrines /CNRS, Alexandria, Egypt) and Ahmet Kaan Senol (Ege Universitesi, Bornova-Izmir, Turkey)

Alexandria, Akademia Site: first excavation campaign on the amphora workshop of Apol(l)onios

During the summer of 2012, the Centre d'Etudes Alexandrines, a CNRS team based in Alexandria, Egypt, began the excavation of an amphora workshop of the 2nd century AD to the south of Alexandria, on the shores of Lake Mariout. It is the only remaining example of some thirty workshops discovered in 1977, whose refuse dumps once formed veritable hillocks on the flat countryside and signalled the presence of a chain of wine-growing villas that were active during the first centuries of the Roman occupation of Egypt. The excavation revealed type AE3 and AE4 amphorae, as well as separators used during firing in the kiln and the remains of dismantled kilns. Stamps in Greek characters on the necks of the amphorae give us the name of the owner as Apollonios. Near the refuse dump, we have located a wine press and two saqia, used to lift water from the lake to irrigate vineyards by means of stone channels that can be followed over a long distance.


Caroline Autret (PhD Candidate; Universite Paris-Sorbonne and University of Cyprus)

Late Roman 1 Amphora production at Soli-Pompeiopolis

Two kiln-sites manufacturing Late Roman 1 amphorae at Soli-Pompeiopolis, Cilicia, were first located by J.-Y. Empereur and M. Picon, in 1989. Twenty years later, a brief investigation was conducted at one of these locales, near the ancient harbour, referred by Empereur and Picon as the "Soles-Ouest" kiln-site. Visual observations and photography with a digital microscope enabled us to document the LR1 amphorae manufactured at Soli-Pompeoipolis. Since the samples collected exhibit a homogeneous and characteristic fabric we can propose a preliminary chrono-typology for their production at this site. Precise identification of local fabrics of LR1 amphorae produced throughout the region remains essential to any reconstruction of the maritime trade network that Soli and other Cilician cities were engaged in during the Late Roman period.


SATURDAY, 13 APRIL 2013

1st session. Amphora typologies

Andrei Opait (The Romanian Academy Institute of Archaeology-Iassy, Romania)

On the origin of Kapitan 2 amphora type

Despite the fact that amphora studies focusing on the Mediterranean and Pontic regions have made significant advances over the past few decades, the huge number of manufactured types, especially those of the late Hellenistic and Roman periods in the eastern Mediterranean, is sorely in need of clarification, particularly with regard to achieving clear morphological and fabric definitions. For example, none of those almost 200 amphora kilns identified by Empereur and Picon (1989) has been systematically excavated, whereas identifying the main Roman amphora types exported to consuming areas has been largely accomplished, Riley's (1979) and Peacock and Williams' (1986) typologies being the main amphora classification systems used by specialists. The next step is to give a better definition to the many other types, subtypes and variants that were manufactured during late Hellenistic and early Roman times. The situation is complicated even for some widely exported amphorae, such as the LRA 1, which seems to have been traded from Egypt to the Black Sea, via Syria, Cilicia, and Kos. Our ability to write synthetic studies on economic connections and trade networks is stymied by too many ill-defined and unknown variables. Because our knowledge is based mainly on amphora discoveries made at the consuming sites, we generally continue to lack complete definitions of these vessels, including morphologic and fabric descriptions, amphora capacities and weights, epigraphic information (stamps, graffiti, and dipinti), presumed contents based on the presence/absence of the internal coating of the walls or laboratory analysis, and finally, the discoveries of kilns that would reveal their original areas of manufacture.
This paper aims to address at least some of these shortcomings in our knowledge base. Based on observations made on a group of amphorae stored in the Stoa of Attalos, Athens, and on certain amphora depictions on early Roman Chian coins, the author proposes a Chian origin for amphorae of Kapitan 2 type. Some morphologic and fabric characteristics allow the identification of a second subtype, Kapitan 2 similis, that was probably made in a different East Mediterranean area. A combination of archaeological and numismatic evidence helps us trace the evolution of this type from the 1st to the beginning of the 5th century AD. This working hypothesis awaits confirmation in the field, since only the discoveries of kilns can offer validation.


Carmela Franco (PhD Candidate, University of Oxford, UK), Loϊc Mazou (PhD Candidate, University of Poitiers, France) and Claudio Capelli (DISTAV, Universita degli studi di Genova, Italy)

The Middle Roman 1A amphora. New archaeological and archaeometric data on its origin and diffusion in the eastern Mediterranean

This paper aims to analyse in detail the origin, the morphological evolution and distribution of the flat-bottomed Riley Mid Roman 1 (MRA1) amphora type (Keay LXXXI/Ostia I, 453-454/Robinson M254). The type is identified in numerous eastern and western Mediterranean sites, as well as in northern Europe, from the mid 3rd to the beginning of 5th century AD.
One of the main problems of the study of this amphora type is connected to the uncertainty over the location of its production centres. Its provenance has been largely discussed by scholars and its manufacture had been hypothetically linked to Tripolitania, mainly based on the concentration of finds in Leptis Magna. However, thin section analyses contributed to point to a major production in Sicily, largely diffused in the Mediterranean, as well as in Africa (Capelli, Bonifay 2007). This hypothesis was confirmed by the recent discovery of a kiln complex along the eastern coast of Sicily, in the ancient Statio Acium (modern Santa Venera al Pozzo, in the modern province of Catania) (Amari 2006).
However, a few specimens have also shown a possible North African origin. Moreover, recent discoveries have also provided evidence for a Cyrenaican production of the same amphora type, particularly in Erythron (Latrun), close to the ancient city of Apollonia (Susa) (Mazou, Capelli 2011). In Eastern Sicily there were numerous workshops and, based on the recent discoveries, there was at least one production site of MRA 1 with similar typological characteristics in Cyrenaica.
The new data gathered from the production centres in Sicily and Cyrenaica, which will be presented, will improve our understanding of the morphological features of these amphorae and will help to define their chronology. In addition, thin-section analyses performed on amphora samples from the known kiln sites will be further discussed, in order to confirm the possibility of identifying different source locations of the amphorae, on the basis of the differences in fabric composition. Finally, an overview of the long-distance exports of MRA1 in the eastern Mediterranean -as known from published and unpublished data- will be presented in order to provide evidence on its distribution patterns and preferential trade areas.

References:

Amari (S.), 2006. I materiali in esposizione nell'Antiquarium. Sale I-II-III, in L'Area archeologica di S. Venera al Pozzo-Acium. In: Branciforti (M. G.), ed., Palermo 2006, 105-183.

Capelli (C.), Bonifay (M.), 2007. Archeometrie et archeologie des ceramiques africaines : une approche pluridisciplinaire. In: Bonifay (M.), Treglia (J.-C.) ed. - LRCW 2, Late Roman Coarse Wares, Cooking Wares and Amphorae in the Mediterranean. Archaeology and Archaeometry. Oxford, Archaeopress, 2007, 551-567 (BAR IS 1662).

Mazou, (L.) - Capelli, (C.), 2011. A local production of Mid Roman 1 amphorae at Latrun, Cyrenaica, Libyan Studies 42, 2011, 73-76


Sergey Vnukov (Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, Russia)

Late Heraclean narrow-necked amphorae (typology, evolution, chronology)

The light clay, narrow-necked amphorae were the most widespread containers in the northern Black Sea region, from the mid 1st until the mid 3rd centuries AD. These vessels also occurred sporadically in the Mediterranean in the 2nd and 3rd centuries AD. Their production in Heraclea Pontica is proved by the discovery of an amphora production workshop in the vicinity of the town, and by special petrological analyses. A typological study showed that these vessels belong to the long-lived S IV type, traditionally divided into several variants, dated to successive periods. All of them have a narrow neck, grooved handles and a foot ring (or its rudiment). The late Hellenistic Heraclean amphorae with a spiked toe are the prototypes of these vessels. The development of the form led to the appearance and further degradation of a foot ring, the narrowing of the neck, the decrease of their volume, and other changes. A current revision of the morphology of these amphorae showed that their form evolved as a homogeneous continuum without sharp jumps. There are no clear formal boundaries between the variants. Therefore all such variants, defined by various scholars, are in fact nominal chronological varieties of the constantly changing type, and reflect nothing more but chronological stages of this gradual evolution. Certain amphorae from stratified assemblages have clear dates, so the shape of such jars comprises a good chronological indicator. Moreover, recent analyses of dipinti on amphorae from the 3rd century AD suggest that some of them contained wine from different pithoi for testing. Heraclean winemakers provided the foreign traders with such testers to sample before entering into an agreement for the shipment of large batches of wine. It gives unique information about the volumes of wine production and the system of wine distribution in the region.

 
Diana Dobreva (University of Padua, Italy)

The so-called 'Dressel 24 Amphora Group': some typological notes

Several amphorae of different types, but of similar characteristic shape, have been classified under the name 'Dressel 24/Zeest 90'. However, some of their morphological elements are not consistent with the type of amphora that was drawn by H. Dressel. Moreover, the variety of fabrics observed suggests the existence of several production centres, probably located in the eastern Mediterranean. The different classification systems that are used in the literature, complicate the study of these transport containers further: Dressel 24, Knossos 15, Zeest 90, Knossos 18, Pompei XXIX, Scorpan VII, Popilian II/III, Opait 1980 tipo III, Bjelajac XVI, Dyczek 25, Opait 2007 Dressel 24 similis A-B-C-D, Auriemma 2007 Dressel 24/Knossos 15, Ostia I, 586.
Recent studies show a general tendency to include the different variants in an evolution scheme, mostly based on their frequency in the "istro-pontic" region (Lower Danube and Black Sea). However, we are still far from outlining a comprehensive model, which would include all the types observed in this region, as e.g. the contemporary activity of several production centres makes the identification of the connection among the different types difficult. In addition, the paucity of evidence related to production areas, as well as some confusion in the attribution of stamps to specific types, add to this tantalising issue.
The aim of this paper, based on the study of some unpublished contexts from the "istro-pontic" region, is not to display a typological sequence, nor to report an exhaustive list of amphorae finds, but to present an analysis of several aspects of this heterogeneous group of amphorae, like morphology, content, epigraphy, patterns of distribution and chronology. The conclusions will contribute further to the research on this group of Eastern Roman Amphorae.

 
Lucie S. Vidlickova (Hellenic Institute of Marine Archaeology; PhD Candidate, University of Crete, Greece)

Survey in the southern Euboean Gulf: new evidence concerning the amphorae with funnel-shaped mouth

Archaeological survey conducted in the southern Euboean Gulf, Greece, has brought to light significant evidence, thus contributing to our knowledge on sea-born trade, amphora circulation and the study of ancient economy.
In this paper, I present two of the shipwrecks that have been located during this survey. These wrecks are dated into the Roman Imperial period and provide new evidence on the distribution and the different variants of a certain amphora type, characterized by its funnel-shaped mouth. This type is known in the scholarship under a variety of names, including, Zeest's Type 90, Scorpan's Type 7A and Dyczek's Type 25 A. In the cargo of the wrecks discussed in this paper, several variations of this amphora type were found, thus attesting to the existence of these containers in the Aegean Sea for the first time. Evidence from terrestrial sites is also presented, in order to demonstrate that these wrecks can have an important role in the on-going discussion regarding the distribution and typology of this amphora type.

 
2nd session. Seaborne trade in the Eastern Mediterranean

Peter Gendelman (Israel Antiquities Authority, Israel)

Local amphora production and seaborne trade patterns of the province of Judaea/Syria-Palaestina: evidence from Caesarea Maritima and beyond

When Sebastos, the Caesarea port, came into operation and the grid of Roman roads made the transportation of goods easier and cheaper, the demand for amphora-borne products, local and imported, increased. The province of Judaea, later named Syria-Palaestina and Palaestina-Prima, was famous for its olives, grapes, dates and figs. These and their products were stored and transported in amphorae of three major traditions: local bag-shaped-amphorae of Judea, Sharon, Samaria and Galilee; hole-mouth-amphorae of Carmel and southern coastal plain in Phoenician tradition; and amphorae in Greek tradition. The kilns were mainly spread in the countryside often associated with agricultural estates and installations.
The local goods within the amphorae were transported by land-and-sea all-over the Roman Empire. The transportation was sporadic at first, but gradually increased until it reached a peak during the 5th-6th century. Analysis of imported amphorae found in the province reflects a regional and an overseas - marine-traffic. The well-established trade with the neighboring regions of Phoenicia, Cyprus, N. Syria and Cilicia, left us with a stable bulk of amphorae, in contrast to the rarity of Egyptian amphorae. Those imported from the Eastern Mediterranean were mainly of Aegean centers (e.g. Rhodes, Cnidus, Crete and Ephesus). The commercial connections with Pontus and other manufacture-centers around the Black-Sea, as evidenced by the imported amphorae, were first established in the 3rd century.
The imported amphora bulk from the Western Mediterranean is rich and encompasses products from all major centers: in the 1st century the products of Istria, Italy and Spain are dominant, whereas later those of North Africa are leading. In addition Sicilian amphorae and those produced in South France are also present. The study clearly shows that the diversity of local production reflects the multi-ethnicity of the province, as the importation of amphorae points to a flourishing maritime and land commerce and growing demand for imported goods.

 
Delphine Dixneuf (Ingenieur de Recherche au CNRS, Centre d' Etudes Alexandrines /CNRS, Alexandria, Egypt)

Typological and chronological classifications of Egyptian amphorae and their trade from the Nile to the Mediterranean during the Roman period and Late Antiquity

Archaeological research conducted over the past two decades in Egypt has revealed several groups of local amphorae, which establish a new chronological and typological classification of Egyptian amphorae, from the beginning of the Hellenistic to the beginning of the Arab period. The study of these jars and their contents has provided an opportunity for a more comprehensive approach to the analysis of the distribution of Egyptian amphorae outside Egypt into the Mediterranean. Their trade, quite restricted to a small area during the Hellenistic and Roman period, increases from Late Antiquity onwards, although the quantities remain small.
During the Roman period, trade concerns two main groups:
- AE 3 ("Amphore Egyptienne 3" or bitronconical amphora)
- AE 4 ("Amphore Egyptienne 4" or imitation of Dressel 2/4 amphorae, produced in many Mediterranean countries).
During Late Antiquity until the beginning of the Arab period, trade concerns three main groups:
- AE 3T ("Amphore Egyptienne 3 tardives");
- AE 7 ("Amphore Egyptienne 7" or ribbed amphora, known as Late Roman Amphora 7);
- AE 5/6 ("Amphore Egyptienne 5/6" or bag-shaped amphora, Egyptian counterpart of the Late Roman Amphora 5/6).
We will also present at least, one more group, called AE 8 ("Amphore Egyptian 8"), which corresponds to imitations of the Late Roman Amphora 1, largely distributed all around Egypt during Late Antiquity.

 
Scott Gallimore (Wilfrid Laurier University, Waterloo, Canada)

Amphorae and the economy of the eastern Mediterranean in the 3rd century AD: the case of Crete

For our understanding of Roman amphorae and the economy of the Eastern Mediterranean to expand, data from all localities within this region must be considered. During the Roman period the island of Crete was an important transshipment point and exporter of products packaged in amphorae. Most discussions of Crete's Early Roman economy have emphasized a western perspective, however. The largest consumer of Cretan products packaged in amphorae during the first and second centuries A.D. was Italy. Connection of the island to the transshipment of grain from Egypt to Rome has been cited as the primary reason for this phenomenon. A decline in shipments of Egyptian grain to Rome during the third century, moreover, seems to correspond with a decrease in the number of Cretan amphorae attested at western sites. By the fourth century, finds of Cretan amphorae are mostly absent from the western provinces, leading some scholars to speculate that the island's export economy had failed. Turning the emphasis eastward, however, shows that Crete still had a vibrant export economy in the third century based on amphora evidence from sites such as Berenice, Butrint, and Olympia. Finds of Cretan vessels at sites around the Black Sea shows that, from the fourth century onward, the island may have become part of Aegean supply networks aimed at provisioning military forces. In other words, Crete can serve as a proxy for understanding the evolution of the economy of the Eastern Mediterranean since, beginning in the third century, more and more of its export trade was focused on eastern sites. By viewing the amphora trade from Crete in its own light without a western bias we can see how the Eastern Mediterranean gained increasing independence as an economic entity throughout the course of Roman history.

 
Theotokis Theodoulou (Ephorate of Underwater Antiquities, Greece), Brendan Foley (Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution, USA), Dimitris Kourkoumelis, (Ephorate of Underwater Antiquities, Chalandri, Greece) and Kalliopi Preka-Alexandri, (Ephorate of Underwater Antiquities, Greece)

Roman cargoes at the seas of Chios: the 2008 mission

The Ephorate of Underwater Antiquities and Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution performed underwater archaeological investigations at the island of Chios, Greece, in 2008. During the project, the team documented seven previously reported ancient shipwrecks and located five new ones. Seven of these sites date to the Roman period and concern cargoes of Late Roman 1 and Late Roman 2 amphorae.
The most notable site is an undisturbed wreck, thirty meters deep, bearing a load of Late Roman 1 amphorae. Nearby, shallower waters hold two heavily encrusted cargoes of Late Roman 2 amphorae. Despite the fragmented condition of the artifacts on these sites, mainly because of the wave action, the ship's dimensions are evident and galley wares are extant. Three other wreck sites consist of broken dispersed amphora sherds, with a few diagnostic elements that allow for the type identification, dated to previous periods. Another site may be a lading point rather than a discrete shipwreck, and appears as a ballast pile adjacent to Late Roman 2 amphora sherds, an African amphora, and a broken bowl.
In this paper we present short descriptions of all the above sites and their degree of preservation, discussing the amphora types, and relevant information (origin, possible contents, diffusion, etc.). The conclusions drawn from the shipwrecks and their cargoes will be put in context with the commercial maritime activity in the Chios region during the Late Roman - Early Byzantine periods.

 
3rd session. Amphorae in Eastern Mediterranean Sites

Philip Bes (University of Leuven, Belgium) and Michalis Karambinis (23rd Ephorate of Byzantine Antiquities, Greece)

Journey 'through' the Centre of the Earth: amphora evidence from across central Greece

Quantified pottery evidence from across the Mediterranean makes it clear that, throughout the Roman period, exchange-wise no region received neither the same variety nor the same volume of pottery, but instead demonstrates considerable fluctuations in both their circulation and supply. This was dependent on the complex interplay between a myriad of human and natural factors, such as location, geopolitical circumstances, etc. These differences as well as similarities observable in the evidence are all the more interesting, as underneath these the blueprint of Roman Mediterranean exchange is hidden. Amongst others, this blueprint captures the direction and intensity, that is the extent or rather, action radius, of each functional category (amphorae, tablewares, etc.) as well as each class or type within each functional category (Late Roman Amphorae 1, for example) for different time segments of the Roman Mediterranean, and thus how each category behaved differently in each site and region, also in relation to other pottery categories.
Just as stratigraphy provides insights into the natural and human buildup of the terrain, a geographical cross-section of pottery evidence and its composition offers clues as to the role of different exchange networks. In this paper, amphorae evidence in particular from urban and non-urban settlements in three surface surveys across central, modern Greece (Achaia, Boeotia and Skyros) is brought together in order to address these issues, and to discuss not only each area within its appropriate, contemporary framework, but also this area or axis at large within a Mediterranean-wide context. Notwithstanding the fact that the evidence represents work in progress, observations made highlight Greece's pivotal role within the Mediterranean more generally throughout the Roman period, but also how different exchange networks crystallised differently between western, central and eastern Greece.

 
Marek Palaczyk (University of Zurich, Switzerland)

Quite new in Eretria – not very new in the Aegean. Roman amphorae from the Swiss excavations in Eretria: preliminary observations

Eretria on the island of Euboea, is a city well-known from the Geometric to the early Hellenistic Period. In the Roman times, after its destruction during the First Mithridatic War (88-86 B.C.) the place was thought to be a ruined settlement. In fact, during the last 50 years, the excavations of the Swiss School of Archaeology in Greece have brought to light quite scarce Roman finds. So far, there are only a few very briefly published examples of Roman amphorae: 1982 in Praktika by P. Themelis - a photograph of 6 pieces from the Greek excavations - and in 1993 by I. Metzger - profiles of 5 fragments from the "House with mosaics".
During the excavation of the Roman baths, which started in 2010, a bigger quantity of later amphorae was found at the site E/600, at the foot of the acropolis (in the neighbourhood of the House with mosaics). A preliminary examination of a small part of this material shows a limited variety of shapes: Cretoise 1, Zemer 57, late Cnidian, Agora M 54 and Agora G 198, MRA 5, Kapitan 1 and 2, Pinched handled MRA 4 and forms related to Forimpopoli. African products are very rare. Apart from one or two non-typical shapes, Eretrian amphorae give a typical picture of an Aegean material assemblage: the great quantity of Cretan and Cilician containers shows new directions of Eretrian imports in the late 2nd and 3th c. A.D, while the old intensive trade with Cnidos, established during 2nd c. B.C. was still important.
The examination of Roman amphorae found in Eretria will shed, hopefully, more light on the role of the city as a provincial town and its influence in the region. The work has just started.

 
Philip Bes (University of Leuven, Belgium), Jeroen Poblome (University of Leuven, Belgium), Patrick Degryse (University of Leuven, Belgium) and Patrick Monsieur (University of Leuven, Belgium)

The bright side of the mountain... Imported amphorae from Sagalassos, Turkey

Amphorae of the Hellenistic and Roman Imperial periods, in particular their distribution, are not uncommonly seen as a testimony to the intensity of Mediterranean seaborne exchange, reflecting intricate networks of lines of exchange of all sorts and scales. The greater majority of this (published) evidence actually comes from coastal or near-coastal settlements, towns and cities that were well-connected to Mediterranean exchange patterns. Even if we can assume that such settlements consumed the larger share of the transported goods, what trickled through into areas beyond the coastal zone is very patchily understood.
One such inland site is Sagalassos in south-west Turkey. Located in the western Taurus mountains approximately 110 kilometres north of Antalya, it prospered during the later Hellenistic, Roman Imperial and Early Byzantine periods, and was endowed with all the amenities of a 'classical' city. Local and regional production of pottery catered for basically all ceramic needs, yet imported pottery is attested, sometimes in considerable quantities, and predominantly comes in the form of amphorae of Late Roman and Early Byzantine date. The overall aim of this paper is, for the first time, to address the archaeological-contextual and chronological background of selected deposits, the typological variety, proportions, provenance and content of the imported amphorae, as well as the results of archaeometrical analyses, and concludes with presenting thoughts on the role and significance of the imported amphorae found at an inland mountain site.

 
Henryk Meyza (Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw, Poland) and Maria Dobieslawa Baginska, (Poznan Archaeological Museum, Poland)

Popular form-types of Early Roman amphorae imported to Nea Paphos, Cyprus, and the diversity of their origin

A study of a large collection of amphora deposits found during almost 50 years of Polish excavations at Kato Paphos and during salvage excavations, related to planned construction of a shelter over this site, has shown that many of the principal types found there occurred in multiple differing fabrics. The study involves macroscopic observations, macrophotography and low-magnification microscopy of 10 basic forms, which have been mostly listed already by J. Hayes in Paphos III (1991). To provide an initial petrographic identification, a batch of 50 samples was thin-sectioned and described planimetrically. Five of these forms (Beirut and Amrit amphorae, Pseudo-Kos en cloche, Kapitan II and later Opait 3) are ware-specific, while the rest appear in at least two different fabrics. An attempt is made to identify the origin of particular fabrics and to explain this diversity. The project is still not sufficiently developed to launch full statistical analysis of finds; instead, a preliminary assessment of assemblage structure and comparison of different deposits of varied function was executed.

 
4th session. The distribution of Adriatic and North African Amphorae to the Eastern Mediterranean

Patrick Monsieur (Ghent University, Belgium)

The production sites and the chronology of central Adriatic amphorae and their export to the eastern Mediterranean

Central Adriatic amphorae were produced in Picenum and in the Ager Gallicus, from shortly after the Second Punic war until the Tiberian age (ca. 200/175 BC – 30/40 AD). Today, the material reflection is still visible in the masses of amphorae excavated in the consumption sites, primarily in northern Italy, Rome, Dalmatia and the eastern Mediterranean. They are the witnesses par excellence of a production that sometimes took pre-industrial proportions. The reasons of this rise seemed to be related to a huge demand of three protagonists in the Roman policy of conquest: military men, colonists and local elite. Principally, wine was exported during more than 200 years in an appreciable range of different amphora types: Greco-Italic, Lamboglia 2, Dressel 6A and Dressel 2-4. The export of olive-oil (and maybe olives) started only at the end of the Republic, in amphorae that imitated the Bridisian and Dressel 6B types.
Current research by a team of Ghent University (Belgium) in the ager Potentinus (lower Potenza Valley, Porto Recanati, Italy) brought to light new amphora production centres and addressed chronological issues through survey and excavation. The aim of this contribution is as follows : 1) the discussion of this new information with a status quaestionis of Central Adriatic amphora production as a whole, given the traditional chronological framework of these amphorae provided by shipwrecks and 'destruction' sites (e.g. Carthage, Corinth, Delos); 2) the presentation, through the amphorae, of the relationship between the Central Adriatic production sites and the eastern Mediterranean consumption sites (e.g. Athens, Delos, Corinth, Pergamon, Pessinus, Tarsus), with a focus on the 'Delian' connection with Ancona, the presence of the gens Oppia and some colonies (Sena Gallica, Auximum, Potentia, Firmum, Cupra Maritima).

 
Michel Bonifay (Centre Camille Jullian - Aix Marseille Universite/CNRS, France), Claudio Capelli (Centre Camille Jullian and Universita degli Studi di Genova) and Ahmet Kaan Senol, (Centre d'Etudes Alexandrines, Egypt and Ege Universitesi, Bornova-Izmir, Turkey)

African amphorae: production areas vs distribution in the eastern Mediterranean

This paper addresses some current issues related to the production of African amphorae and their distribution in the eastern Mediterranean, aiming to contribute to the study of commercial demands and trade routes, during the period between the 1st and the 7th century AD.
More specifically, we discuss the following:
1) After fifteen years of integrated archaeological and petrographic investigations on typology and fabrics of African amphorae, it is possible to distinguish between the production of the main mid-Imperial workshops of Byzacena (e.g. Leptiminus and Sullecthum) as well as a few late Roman ones (Ksour Essef, Moknine). Apart from the very well surveyed Nabeul workshops, the northern regions of Zeugitana (Carthage region) are less documented, while the provinces of Numidia and Mauretania Caesariensis (modern Algeria) remain largely unknown. Thanks to recent studies, the fabrics of certain amphora workshops in Tripolitania (Jerba, Oea, Lepcis Magna, and Tahruna regions) have also been characterized.
2) Alexandria as a case study: The integrated archaeological and petrographical study of a few assemblages of African amphorae found in Alexandria - the main gateway for African products to the eastern Mediterranean, during the 1st-5th century AD - allowed us to identify the origin of some African imports of olive oil, fish sauces, and probably wine as well.
3) On a larger scale, despite the scarcity of mid and late Imperial types of African amphorae in many Eastern Mediterranean sites, it is sometimes possible to specify their provenance, if their typological features and fabric descriptions, are published in detail.

 
George Koutsouflakis and Xanthie Argiris, (Hellenic Institute of Marine Archaeology, Athens, Greece)

Roman North African amphorae in the Aegean: the evidence of shipwrecks

The study of the distribution, transport and trade of North African amphorae in the central and western Mediterranean has been developing for the past four decades through the investigation of a relatively large number of shipwrecks and the quantitative analysis of data from terrestrial sites. However, there is an almost total lack of similar published data from the Aegean. Although the import of North African products is mentioned in historical studies on trade, the study of their containers, seems to be rather neglected in the archaeological record. Thus, with the exception of few excavation reports and site quantitative analysis, the documentation of North African amphorae in the Aegean remains very poor.
The aim of this paper is to present the available evidence from the cargo of four shipwrecks, found during the Southern Euboean Gulf Survey Project (2006-2012), conducted by the Hellenic Institute of Marine Archaeology, in cooperation with the Ephorate of Underwater Antiquities. All of the sites, located within the straits between the island of Euboea and the east coast of Attica, provide a case study, which can shed new light on our understanding of the distribution of North African amphorae in the Aegean. Accordingly, a synopsis of all published evidence from terrestrial sites will also be presented.

 
Dimitris Kourkoumelis (Ephorate of Underwater Antiquities, Greece)

Two Late Roman shipwrecks from the northern Ionian Sea

In 2012, during an archaeological reconnaissance survey at the North Ionian Sea, along the route of a future Greek-Italian gas pipeline, two late Roman shipwrecks were located, at a depth over 1000 m, between Corfu and Taranto. A first evaluation of the cargo, suggests that both ships, loaded with North African amphorae of the 3rd c. A.D, probably headed to the Adriatic region, thus providing supplementary evidence concerning the intense trade activities in this area. Their study adds a new perspective for the archaeological underwater research in the Ionian Sea, which is considered to be among the safest seas for navigation in the Mediterranean.

 
SUNDAY, 14 APRIL 2013

1st session. Amphora Imports in the Black Sea

Elena Klenina, (National Preserve "Chersonesos Taurica", Sebastopol, Ukraine)

Amphorae of the 1st century BC – 4th century AD from Chersonesos Taurica

Doric colony Chersonesos in Taurica was founded in the 5th century BC in the south-western part of Crimea by emigrants from Heraclea Pontica (Asia Minor). In Chersonesos amphorae for the transport of local wine were made from the late 4th to the late 2nd century BC. In the Roman period, the Bosporan cities became the main suppliers of wine and salsamenta in the North Pontic region (58–60%). Amphorae that presumably belong to types 72 and 73 in the typology of Zeest (mid 2nd – mid 3rd century AD) are found throughout the region. Among the most frequent containers were also the "narrow-necked" amphorae of Shelov types C & D, , produced in Heraclea Pontica. In Chersonesos, these containers appear in the layers of the 2nd–3rd centuries and in the fillings of the 4th century. Later, type D evolved into type E. Among the ceramic material from Chersonesos, fragments of Peacock and Williams class 47 were found in significant numbers in the layers of the 3rd–4th centuries, as well as in the fillings of the first half of the 5th century. Fragments of amphorae of Dyczek type 25, produced on Chios, were widespread in the eastern Mediterranean in the 1st – 7th centuries. In the North Pontic region, including Chersonesos Taurica, type 25a amphorae are common in the period from the 1st to the 4th century AD. Rare and more prestigious kinds of wine appeared on the northern coast of the Black Sea only in small amounts.

 
Andrei Sazanov (Moscow State University, Moscow, Russia)

Late Roman amphorae of ca. 250-450 AD in northern Black Sea coastal sites: contexts, chronology, typology

The present paper is devoted to late Roman amphoras dating to the III-IV centuries AD, deriving from sites of the northern Black Sea coast. The focus of the presentation will be the typology, chronology and circulation of these amphoras, based on well-dated contexts.
Chronologically the contexts under review can be divided into three periods. The first one involves the second half of the third century AD, the second may be dated from the end of the third century to ca 330-340 AD, and the third from the second half of the IVth to the end of the second quarter of the Vth. century AD:
a. The contexts of ca. 250-300, coming from the grave yard "Sovkhoz N 10» near Chersonesos, are dated by associated coins of the second half of the third century AD. The amphoras are represented by two classes: table and cargo amphoras. Three types of table amphoras are of sinopean origin. Cargo amphoras may be divided in four groups: Sinopean-Heraclean («narrow neck white-clay D», Sovkhoz 10, pl. IV,1 ), Bosphoran and north-Pontic (Zeest 75, Zeest 76 d, Zeest 96-97, Radulescu 1976, pl.IV), Colchidian (Scorpan XV-M), oriental (Robinson G 199). Pontic and Sinopean amphoras dominate the assemblages.
b. The contexts of the first half of the IV th. century AD occur in Olbia (??.280-360), and in particular at the Roman fortress Charax (burials 7, 12, 26, 29, 33), Chatyr-Dag (burial 1), Panticapeum, Chersonesos, Belinskoe (second period) and Tyras sites. Associated coins are of AD 308-313, 322, 317-324. Table amphoras practically disappeared. Cargo amphoras of Sinopean (Zeest 102 b-protocarotte, Kassab type I=Zeest 100), Heraclean («narrow neck white-clay F, E) and local Bosphoran production (Zeest 72, Zeest 96-97) still dominate. Oriental amphoras are represented by Agora M 273, Kapitan II, LRA 2 and MRA 3, while some African types are also recorded.
c. These contexts come from Tanais, Neisatz and Chersonesos. New cargo amphora types appeared, such as LRA 1 (contexts of ca. 350-400), LRA 4 and LRA 5.

 
Anna Smokotina (Institute of Oriental Studies, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, Simferopol, Ukraine)

The import of LR1 amphorae into Bosporus

Recent excavations in the city of Kerch (ancient Bosporus) headed by A.I. Aibabin in 2007-2009 revealed new archaeological complexes of the Late Roman and Early Byzantine periods. They allowed to detect new amphora types concerning the northern Black Sea area and to obtain more information about the ratio of the local and imported amphorae in the different chronological periods.
It has therefore been revealed that LRA 1, on which this paper focuses, emerged in the complexes of Bosporus from the end of the 4th/early 5th centuries. Analysis of some key deposits indicates that LRA 1As were imported to the region in a small quantity from the 5th century to the first quarter of the 6th century (up to 5%). A similar situation is also observed in some other closed sites. For example, the vast majority of the finds of this type from Tiritaka belong to the variant LRA 1B1 which was produced only from the beginning of the 6th century. The amount of LRA 1B increased in the Bosporus deposits from the second quarter to the middle of the 6th century. In two fish salting cisterns filled in this time they made about 12-13% and became the third most frequent type after Zeest 99/TRC4 and Antonova 5 amphorae.

 
Andrzej B. Biernacki (Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznan, Poland)

Amphorae of the 4th–6th centuries AD from Novae (Moesia Inferior): typology and chronology

The Roman military camp and the early-Byzantine city of Novae were among the largest frontier settlements in the Lower Danube region, very important for the Roman and Byzantine Empire's political and economical activity. Among the ceramic materials of Novae, fragments of class 47 by Peacock & Williams were found in significant numbers in the layers of the 3rd–4th centuries AD, as well as in the fillings of the first half of the 5th century. The LRA 10 are dated to the period from the late 4th to the 6th century AD. In Novae, amphorae "with a hollow foot" have been found in an insignificant amount. In the 5th–6th centuries, long-range trade became more intense. In the Early Byzantine period, amphorae of type LRA 1 were the most popular containers in the Mediterranean. Amphorae of type LRA 3 (= Carthage LR 4) were produced in Palestine, in the region of Gaza. In Novae, this type of amphorae has been found predominantly in the layers of the second half of the 5th – 6th centuries. Amphorae of type LRA 5 were produced in Palestine. In Novae, they have been found in the levels of the early 5th – mid-6th centuries.
Fragments of the amphorae of type 8B by Keay produced in Tunisia (Northern Africa) have been found in Novae in the layers of the second half of the 5th – early 6th centuries AD in an insignificant amount. Amphorae of type 25.2 by Keay have been found in the levels of the late 5th century. Amphorae of type 59 and 61A by Keay have been found in the levels of the 5th century. It remains to expect that further study will reveal more details of the trade relations between the cities of the Black Sea region and the Mediterranean.

 
2nd session. Eastern Amphorae in the Adriatic Coast

Dino Taras (Department of Underwater Archaeology, Archaeological Museum, Zadar, Croatia)

Amphorae from the Roman port of Aenona

Zaton is a complex site comprising a submerged Roman breakwater (measuring almost 200 m in length) and remains of the harbor installations on the ground. It came into existence as a commercial port of Aenona (Nin), a Roman city situated 2,5 kilometers northeast, because the shallows that surround the city did not allow for commercial ships with a deeper draft to approach the city. The breakwater has been excavated a number of times since 1968 and to date is the most researched Roman harbor in Croatia. While only a minor portion of the breakwater and the surrounding area have been excavated, the site yielded huge amounts of finds, and 3 wrecks – two seriliae (liburnian shipbuilding technique of sewing the planks of the hull), and a wooden ship built by a contemporary Roman shipbuilding technique. The most common finds are the pottery sherds, and a large number of amphora fragments. These amphorae originate from almost every corner of the Roman Empire – Betica and Galia in the west, Italy, the Eastern Mediterranean provinces, and North Africa, while among the finds are some local eastern Adriatic variants. Only finds from the excavations conducted in 2002 and later years come from a (arbitrary) stratified context. Despite that only a small portion of the harbor is excavated, the focus of this article is to determine the kind of amphorae that were passing through the harbor. Certainly, this by no way completes the picture of amphora transport through the harbor. It gives us however a general understanding of the trade that occurred in the harbor from the 1st to the 4th century, and some indications of the possible nature of the cargo.

 
Pavle Dugonjic (Independent researcher)

Rhodian amphorae in the eastern Adriatic coast – an overview

Amphorae have played an important role in the development of maritime trade, and may be considered a symbol of the Mediterranean basin, as it is one of the most frequent finds in underwater archaeology. In order to discover specific economic relations between the Adriatic and the rest of the Mediterranean basin (based on amphora finds), the location of the finds and their context within the site must be taken into consideration. Extensive research is paramount in order to try and understand the origin of amphorae, their purpose, function and economical value. Established typologies give rough provenance and dating, petrographic analysis provides a relation to the place of origin and the material used, and the location of the amphora unveils the probable route by which it was transported. Abundant examples connected to other finds give us more precise data. However, the number of Rhodian amphorae declines from the overall number of amphora types found on the eastern Adriatic coast for the period from the 1st century BC to the 2nd centure AD. For a number of the finds the context is unfortunately missing, but some originate from well – excavated and systematically researched sites, therefore providing a good basis for further studies. The purpose of the paper is to display Rhodian amphorae excavated during recent underwater archaeological excavations, found in a shipwreck near the island of Silba, in the remains of Zaton harbor and within the Roman villa complex on Vizula peninsula. In addition, there will be other examples of Rhodian amphorae represented, and less attention will be given to amphorae without archaeological context, although they will also be mentioned.

 
Jeffrey G. Royal (RPM Nautical Foundation, Key West, USA)

Maritime evidence for overseas trade along the Illyrian coast: the eastern Mediterranean connections

Within the schema of the Illyrian Coastal Exploration Program, maritime archaeological survey is underway for sections of the Albanian, Montenegrin, and Croatian coasts. Over the past six years, the cooperative efforts between RPM Nautical Foundation and cultural ministries and institutions within each country have initiated large-scale littoral survey to identify, study, and protect submerged cultural material. Since 2007 the projects have documented 20 ancient shipwrecks dating from the 6th century BCE to the 7th century CE; 11 of these ancient merchantmen carried amphoras manufactured in the Eastern Mediterranean / Aegean in their cargo.
Survey and analysis data from these coasts provide evidence for the nature of overseas maritime trade, and the patterns of that trade, along the eastern Adriatic route. The nature of the amphora evidence is derived from both shipwrecks and individual finds; however, the individual finds are limited to dive survey carried out along the southern Albanian coast. On a macro level, two maritime trade spheres are connected with the Adriatic routes: the Western/Central and the Eastern Mediterranean. Maritime archaeological evidence indicates a dominant connection between the Western/Central Mediterranean during most of the Roman era. However, there is a rise in Eastern Mediterranean amphoras in southern Albania during the 4th century CE compared to northern Albania and Montenegro. This shift is mimicked in terrestrial sites and is associated with changes in regional administration in the Republican and early Imperial periods. Included in the rise of Eastern Mediterranean imports during the 4th century are early examples of LRA 1 and 2 amphoras. Petrologic analyses for these Late Roman examples as well as for amphoras from several other wrecksites are underway to better understand the origin of cargos.

 
Luka Bekic and Mladen Pesic (International Centre for Underwater Archaeology, Zadar, Croatia)

Evidence of maritime trade on the eastern Adriatic coast based on the underwater finds from two Roman ports in Croatia

During the period of the Roman dominance on the Mediterranean, goods were exchanged between distant parts of the Empire through maritime routes. These routes had changed through the centuries, depending on the political, economic and other factors.This lecture aims to present the differences in the fluctuation of imports and exports between the eastern Adriatic coast and other roman provinces, based on the amphora finds from Croatia ranging from the 1st to the 6th centuries A.D. Amphorae are certainly the most common finds in underwater archaeological research. Although they only served as a container for the transport of supplies, today they are a rich source of information concerning a ship's cargo, its place of origin, the type of a ship, the ports that the ship had visited and much more.
We shall compare the finds from two Roman ports and their surroundings, Pakostane, near Zadar in the central Adriatic, and Vestar, near Rovinj in the north Adriatic. Many different amphora types, imported (African, Aegean, Italian etc) or of local origin, were found on these sites. Based on the analysis of the archaeological material mentioned above, we shall try to reconstruct routes and the intensity of transportation on the eastern Adriatic coast during the Roman period.

 
Tamas Bezeczky (Institut fur Kulturgeschichte der Antike der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna, Austria), Piero Berni Millet (Institut Catala d'Arqueologia Classica, Spain), Horacio Gonzales (PhD Candidate, Institut Catala d'Arqueologia Classica, Spain) and Anna Nagy (MSc student, ELTE, Institute of Archaeological Science, Hungary)

New research on the Castrum villa, on the island of Brijuni (Croatia)

Three villas were identified on the island of Brijuni (Val Catena/Verige; Monte Collisi/Colci; Castrum). The amphora stamps suggest that the three villas were in the possession of the Laecanius senatorial family from the mid-first century BC to AD 78. The family had a workshop and a villa on the sea shore in Fazana, opposite the island of Brijuni. The Castrum villa is in the western part of Brijuni. In the early Roman period the excavations unearthed a central courtyard, a cistern, presses, millstones and a storage cellar amongst the early Roman buildings. The villa is surrounded by a late Roman/Byzantine fortress.
The late Republican Lamboglia 2 and Van der Werff 1 (Mana C2b; Ramon T. 7. 4) amphorae contained Adriatic wine and African fish sauce. The Lamboglia 2 amphorae were replaced by the Dressel 6A at the last quarter of the first century BC. This was also the time when the local olive oil production started through the Laecanius gens – the ante Dressel 6B and Dressel 6B amphorae attest to this. Wine was imported primarly from Campania, Rhodes, Knidos and Kos. Fish sauce came mainly from Baetica.
During the first period, from the middle of the 1st century BC to the Flavian period, (i.e. AD 78), the workshop and the villas were in the property of the Laecanius gens. In the second period, from the Flavian to the Hadrian period (i.e. from AD 78 to 138), after the Laecanius family died out, the amphorae were produced with the emperors' stamps.
We think the production stopped in the whole Istria at that time because the olive trees froze. M. Aurelius Iustus started olive oil production and exportation again in the last third of the second century and we have found some of his amphorae, but the quantity levels were much more limited than they had been before.
African olive oil and fish sauce amphorae, as well as Baetican oil amphorae, some wine amphorae from the Adriatic region, Sicily, Mauretania and Ephesus came during the mid-Roman period. It was during the late Roman/Byzantine period that the real "invasion" of the African amphorae (olive oil, fish sauces and wine), the Aegean olive oil and wine amphorae (LR 1, LR 2, LR 3, Ephesus 56) from Chios, Cilicia and probably from Cyprus, Ephesus and from the Gaza region (LR 4) started.

 
3rd session. Eastern Amphorae in Italy

Rita Auriemma (University of Salento, Lecce, Italy), Valentina Degrassi (Archeotest s.r.l, Trieste, Italy) and Elena Quiri(Independent Researcher, Turin, Italy)

Eastern amphora imports in the Adriatic Sea: the evidence from terrestrial and underwater contexts of Roman imperial age

The study we would like to present aims at drawing a well-structured picture of the imports of eastern amphorae in the Adriatic sea, during the Roman imperial centuries, and particularly from the II to the IV centuries A.D. To achieve this objective, we make use of various contexts, terrestrial and submerged, some brought into focus through recent or current researches, that seem to be particularly appropriate due to their nature, position and their stratigraphic relations. Most of these contexts are urban, stratigraphically reliable, often "closed" or "sealed", and offer a wide range of not selected materials. Other contexts under examination are represented by cargos of sunken ships, which are particularly significant and useful, as they enable the association of various productions, of which they give a snapshot. The analysis of these cargos, especially of miscellaneous cargos or "secondary constitution" cargos or, still, recycled materials' cargos, and the observation of ancient sailing routes, allow us to define a maritime connectivity network, much more crowded and segmented than we can rebuild theoretically. Furthermore, the study of transport amphorae from these Adriatic sites shows common features and trends. Concerning the II-IV centuries A.D. it becomes possible to observe the supremacy of eastern Mediterranean amphorae and the increase of importations from North Africa, while italic productions vanish almost completely. These dynamics are part of an Adriatic Sea/Po Valley koine that reflects a redistribution pattern where the protagonists are big ports of trade – for instance Aquileia and Brindisi along the western coast - with some others satellite landing-places.

 
Elena Quiri (Independent Researcher, Turin, Italy)

Imports of eastern transport amphorae to Turin (Italy)

The study I would like to present aims at drawing a picture of eastern imports in Turin, a Roman colony in the NW of Italy, during the Roman imperial centuries, especially between the 1st and the 2nd century AD. To achieve this purpose I use two urban contexts that are particularly appropriate due to their nature: two landfills placed at the southern walls of the city.
Most imports are from the central and northern Adriatic western coast. Iberian foodstuffs are exiguous and the Gaulish and African amphorae are very scarce. Especially since the mid 1st century AD the city imports massive quantities ofeastern products, the presence index of which exceeds 20%. They come mainly from the Aegean and the Cretan area, producing fine wines that could compete with western Cisalpine ones. Some amphorae come from the coast and hinterland of Turkey, as well as the Syro - Palestinian and Pontic area. The forms found in Turin are the same as those in the big ports of trade of the Western Adriatic coast (Brindisi in the South and Aquileia in the North), although with lower quantitative indices. These data help to define more accurately the ancient routes and the important role of the Po Valley in the trade of eastern products, whose western terminus appears to be Turin and the surrounding area. It also shows that some exotic products have a great capacity to penetrate into "peripheral" areas, even thanks to request from the more wealthy class.

 
Rita Auriemma (University of Salento, Lecce, Italy)

New data on the eastern imports in the late Republican cargo of Torre S. Sabina

New excavations in the Torre S. Sabina bay, 25 km north of Brindisi, Apulia, along the Adriatic coast, are being carried out since 2007, by the Department of Cultural Heritage of Salento University, in an area partially investigated in the past (1972-1983). The excavation focuses on a limited, but still intact, deposit, which is densely stratified; it was thus possible to distinguish 2 layers, which, though disturbed by wave action, seem to be in place (i.e. in primary deposition).
The upper layer yielded a large number of Salento wine and oil amphorae, produced in the well-known production facilities of the area around Brindisi. Apart from these, numerous amphorae of eastern production have been identified, mainly from the Aegean (Coan, Cnidian, Thasian, etc.), and an almost entire Punic amphora, which suggest the thriving nature of the commercial network in which the Salento area was involved between the end of the 2nd and the beginning of the 1st c. BC. Together with the amphorae, a large amount of other ceramic material has been recovered. Common wares of the Roman, and especially the Late Republican, period are found in substantial quantities. Fabrics can be connected to Aegean and eastern Adriatic productions. For example, quite impressive is the quantity of Megarian bowls, possibly imported from sites of the Anatolian Coast.
Based on stratigraphic observations, we hypothesize that a large part of the material recovered can be attributed to a Late Republican cargo, possibly comprising amphorae, and perhaps tiles (ballast to be sold?), of local production, as well as wine amphorae from the Aegean area, which travelled together with eastern fine and cooking wares. These products probably followed a redistribution trade pattern which must have been centred at Brundisium. The eastern imports, once at Brindisi, where shipped together with local productions to be redistributed to other destinations, probably following vertical routes along the Adriatic coast.

 
Elena Quiri (Independent Researcher, Turin, Italy) and Giuseppina Spagnolo Garzoli (Superintendence for Archaeological Heritage of Piedmont and Museum of Egyptian Antiquities, Turin, Italy)

 
Imports of alum from Milos to Novara (Italy)

In the first century A.D. the milesian alum amphora spreads to Cisalpine. We wish to present a whole amphora found in Novara and other fragments of the milesian alum amphora from some sites in Piemonte: Turin, Chieri and one from Vercelli with a mark.

 
4th session. Eastern Amphorae in the Western Mediterranean

Laura Biccone and Alessandro Vecciu (University of Sassari, Sardinia, Italy)

Eastern amphorae from Bosa, western Sardinia (AD 400-690)

The purpose of this paper is to present a set of amphorae manufactured in the Eastern Mediterranean and found in Bosa. We would like to use them as important markers of Mediterranean trade from the early Vth to the late VIIth century AD.
Bosa was a Roman town situated in the west coast of Sardinia. It was built along the river Temo and was an important harbour located between Turris Libisonis and Tharros. We still do not know the extension of the city, but there are traces of the Roman settlement near the medieval church of San Pietro in the countryside. In recent archaeological excavations we found a large number of late Roman contexts from a waste dump which can be dated to the early Vth, early VIth, late VIth - early VIIth and late VIIth centuries AD. The eastern amphorae - mainly Late Roman 1, Late Roman 2, Late roman 4, Cretan amphorae, amphorae of Aqaba - are found together with a few Late Roman C and African Red Slip Ware. We will present a typology of eastern Mediterranean amphorae, trying to show the evolution of the seaborne trade in late Roman Sardinia.

 
Federico Ugolini (PhD Candidate, King's College London, UK)

A preliminary note on some aspects of production and circulation of the Ariminum amphorae in the eastern Mediterranean in the Roman imperial age

During the Roman Imperial period, Ariminum was one of the wealthiest communities along the Adriatic Sea, involved in the production and the diffusion of amphorae in the Eastern Mediterranean. The city not only captured the attention of classical authors but also enabled its inhabitants to develop one of the more prosperous amphora workshop. While these artefacts have been a subject of continuous scholarly attention and debate, little is known about their circulation in the Eastern Mediterranean. The scanty physical and literary relevant evidence has certainly hampered scholars from devoting much attention to Ariminum amphorae. This paper offers a more defined picture of the Ariminum amphora circulation, based on important but far understudied archaeological and epigraphical evidence. I reassess the intensity of the Ariminum amphora circulation during the Roman Imperial age. The first part will analyse the Ariminum amphorae and their production, with regard to the storage of olive oil and wine but also to their transportation to the Eastern Mediterranean, during the Imperial times. Indeed, although the wealth of Ariminum diminished after Late-Antiquity, the amphora circulation still enjoyed a certain prosperity, as it becomes evident from finds along the Adriatic coast. In the second part of this paper the production centres in Ariminum and the distribution of the amphorae along the eastern Mediterranean will also be discussed. Special attention will be given to the different typologies that are used, in relation to the recent findings, as certain aspects of their circulation allow us to place Ariminum in an international cultural and economic context.

 
Tamas Bezeczky (Institut fur Kulturgeschichte der Antike der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna, Austria)

Distribution of the Ephesus amphorae in the Mediterranean

The wines produced in the vicinity of Ephesus and in the Cayster Valley were mentioned in the ancient written sources (Strabo, Pliny the Elder, Athenaeus and Dioscorides). These wines were shipped in amphorae to the commercial and cultural centres of the Mediterranean from the Hellenistic to the late Roman period. The shape of the amphorae continuously evolved during the centuries. The amphorae published so far suggest that the Ephesian amphorae were present at only a few sites during the early Roman period (Magdalensberg, Athens, Pergamon, and probably Lyon, Haltern, Comacchio, Tarsus) and the mid Roman period (Marseille, Rome, Ostia, Aquileia, Zadar, Athens and Egypt). During the late Roman period, some of the one-handle jars were replaced by the LR 3 and the Ephesus 56 amphorae, and are found everywhere from Britain to India and around the Black Sea. This obviously means that the wines produced in the region of Ephesus were consumed all over the Empire.

 
Guillermo Pascual Berlanga (independent researcher) and Albert Ribera i Lacomba, (Valencia City Hall)

Aegean Amphorae in Valencia (1st to the 3rd century AD) and Pompeii (1st century BC to 79 AD)

This study focuses on the trade of wine amphorae from the Greek world towards the western Mediterranean, and in particular to the cities of Valencia and Pompeii. In the case of Valencia, there is evidence for the trade of Greek products already from the foundation of the city in 138 BC until the 3rd c. AD. A small number of Greek amphorae, mainly from Rhodes and more sporadically from Cnidos, date to the Republican period. These are usually found in archaeological contexts dominated by products from Campania and Puglia, as well as products from Tunisia, Ibiza and Cadiz. Valencia, from the time of its foundation, was the only Roman-Italic centre between Tarraco and Carthago Nova; a consumer centre that soon became a redistribution centre of foreign products to the indigenous areas of the interior. Foreign products reached Valencia from Roman Tyrrhenian ports, mainly from Puteoli.
The arrival of wine amphorae from the Aegean and Palestine to Valencia dates to the end of the 1st century and occurred throughout the 2nd century AD. During the middle of the 3rd century AD, other small Greek amphorae appeared as well; imported wine would have been consumed by a privileged minority of the society, while the majority of the population would have consumed locally-produced wines that were abundant since the 1st century AD.
The dichotomy between local and imported wine is also highlighted in Pompeii, where vineyards and wine-making were greatly developed. The study presents new data concerning recent findings of Greek amphorae from the excavations at the House of Ariadne and the via degli Augustali.

 
Eliana Piccardi (University of Genoa, Italy)

Ex Oriente ad Tyrrhenum mare. Data for a preliminary synthesis of eastern Mediterranean amphora circulation in ancient Liguria, in Corsica and Sardinia

The attempt to bring to light the eastern Mediterranean amphora circulation, concerning the coasts of ancient Ligury and the two islands of Corse and Sardinia, seems at first to be affected by an original problem of identification existing in the former archaeological literature, relating to the undervalued quantity of the data. Nevertheless, as the more recent studies begin to reveal a few but significant new data, it may be worthy to consider, even in a preliminary way, the amphorae from the eastern Mediterranean Sea identified in this area.
In the first centuries of the Roman Empire the intake from the eastern Mediterranean appears to be difficult to detect, probably not only because of the afore-mentioned difficulties, but also because of the limited trade of amphorae in comparison to that of amphorae from western areas (Italic and Hispanic ones); it consists mainly of a certain number of Cretan products, besides the not very well-represented amphorae generally defined as 'Eastern Dressel 2/5' (e.g. at Luni, in the eastern Ligury, in South-West Sardinia and, occasionally, in sites at Corse, such as Musuleo).
After this generally scattered and weak presence, at least according to the published data, one may get the impression of an 'empty' space of evidence (but this might be due to various factors, such as the scarcity of diachronic contexts investigated), which exists until Late Antiquity. In this period, eastern amphorae appear in larger numbers and are more widely diffused (in Liguria's sites, and, in Sardinia, Turris Libisonis, Nora), although sometimes - e.g. for the best-distributed types, like LR1- the date itself might be affected by the problem of identification of the producing areas.
Therefore, this preliminary synthesis of the published data, will provide a framework within which to examine the data in the future, in order to achieve a more complete and accurate picture, regarding their overall quantity and the main sea-routes followed by the amphorae from the eastern Mediterranean up to this central-northern Mediterranean area.